Abraham G. Ghiorgis ***
( *** First published under the pen-name of Mogos Tekeste)
We know that there is no rule of law in Eritrea, worse; there are no known rules of any kind, only arbitrary edicts and decrees. In fact the very People’s Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ) itself does not abide by the rules of its own organization. It is an organization that is gliding haphazardly without political radar even of the socialist kind.
In the organization of the PFDJ, the hierarchy of power is set up in a pyramid fashion. The chain of the formal reporting is as follows: the Chairman reports to the Executive Committee, which in turn reports to the Central Committee, which in turn reports to the general Congress. However, the real and effective power is at the apex of the pyramid, in the hands of the Chairman of the organization. This is a typical power structure of a leftist organization. Such a system inherently is a dictatorship. And one does not expect that such a system will respect the rule of law. This paper does not intend to address the concept of the rule of law. Rather, it simply shows that the leadership, as it stands now, is an illegal one as judged by the very rules and charters of the PFDJ itself. The leadership of the PFDJ is above the laws of the organization it is supposed to lead. And most importantly it is a leadership devoid of any moral and ethical values.
The components of the power structure of the PFDJ based on its own rules are supposed to have regular scheduled meetings in order to report, assess and correct their respective activities. The meetings are as follows: the congress every two years (extraordinary circumstances every two and half years); the central committee every six months and; the executive committee regularly less than six months. The question is does the PFDJ abide by these organizational rules? Does it conduct regular meetings of its various components?
The first congress of the PFDJ took place for the first time in an independent Eritrea in 1994, whereby it elected its Central Committee and promulgated its agenda and vision for Eritrea. Right there and then, the Central Committee elected the Executive Committee and its Chairman -- the components of the power structure that implement the agenda of the organization as stipulated by the Congress. At that time many Eritreans were still in the euphoria stage of the Eritrean independence; and as such some might have accepted this result as a temporary power structure for Eritrea too. They might have naively considered this as a temporary proxy representative leadership of Eritrea that is until the nation transitions to a parliamentary representative government based on the constitution. Sadly, however, it was never to be, the leadership of the PFDJ betrayed the implicit trust bestowed on it, and irrevocably broke the social contract.
Technically, the PFDJ’s second congress should have taken place by the latest sometime in 1997. However, the second Congress never met. If one goes strictly by the PFDJ’s rules and charters, the Central Committee, the Executive Committee and the Chairman of the PFDJ are all illegitimate. The legitimacy of the Congress that elected these bodies expired sometime in 1997. These bodies have no legal standings. By the PFDJ’s own rules, they are all illegal entities and illicit leaders.
The congress of the PFDJ has not met for about fifteen years in a sovereign and independent Eritrea. In between those years, one can have at least five general meetings of a congress. (To put this in perspective, during the armed struggle the EPLF conducted two meetings of its congress; the time that elapsed in between the two was ten years.) This means there are no summations and assessments of where Eritrea is heading even by the socialist standards that the PFDJ swears on. To be fair, the real Central Committee and the Executive Committee, elected in 1994, do not exist since many of its members are either in the dungeon or dead or have left the organization. The sole and only entity that exists and exerts power is the Chairman of the organization -- Isaias Afwerki. This very chairman has usurped the powers of the Congress, the Central Committee and the Executive Committee of his organization. Currently, no one can pinpoint to any charter or rule of the PFDJ that can support the legitimacy and the legality of the powers of the Chairman of the organization.
If we take the Central Committee of the PFDJ, the last time it met was in 2001. After its last meeting, the G-15 and other dissenters were put in prison. Even the leftover of the Central Committee has not met for about eight years. In between those years, one can have at least sixteen Central Committee meetings. There are no checks and balances within the PFDJ organization right now, since no scheduled meetings and reporting of activities take place. If the PFDJ itself does not practice a so called “participatory democracy,” how can there be a “participatory democracy” in Eritrea?
Some of the main appeals of the G-15 were that the PFDJ abide by its own rules and charters; that it holds another congress, that its central committee meets every six months, and that its executive committee submit reports of its activities to its leadership -- the central committee, as stipulated in the rules of the organization. These are simple and innocent demands; that is if we ignore the pleas of implementing the ratified constitution. Isaias would not listen to the simple and earnest request of his colleagues, and that his organization actually mandates.
In practice, a very sly and quiet coup d’état took place in Eritrea. Isaias and his accomplices by violating the rules of their organization illegally usurped power. This seems to be lost among all of us, worst of all among the members of the PFDJ -- who are still blind to the fact that their leadership has no legal ground to stand on.
Despite the fact that the power structure of the leftist organizations by their very nature are dictatorial, the conducting of regular scheduled general meetings of congress and central committee, sometimes allow for the emergence of relatively reformist personalities. Such are the cases with Khrushchev and Gorbachev in the Soviet Union and Deng Xiaoping in China. Not a chance in Eritrea, since such outlets for the possibility of the emergence of a reformist leadership within the PFDJ itself is closed, since scheduled meetings of the power structures do not take place.
Isaias does not want to take a chance of having a meeting of a general congress or a central committee of the PFDJ. It appears he does not want to gamble with having such a wide gathering, since he does not know of what may transpire in such a meeting.
It is as clear as daylight that Isaias and his top disciples have violated the rules and charters of their organization. The question then arises how come Isaias has still followers? The answer lies in the characteristics and moral fabric of those who follow him. One has to study the history of collectivist and socialist systems and their followers to understand the integrity of those Eritreans who still follow Isaias.
In a dictatorial political system the worst of a society gets to the top. Hayek writing about the collectivist and the socialist systems gives the following points in describing the ethical attributes of a group that follow a dictator.
• "If a numerous group is needed, a strong enough to impose their views on the values of life on all the rest, it will never be those with highly differentiated and developed tastes -- it will be those who form the 'mass' in the derogatory sense of the term, the least original and independent, who will be able to put the weight of their numbers behind their particular ideals.
• ... [The dictator] will be able to obtain the support of all the docile and gullible, who have no strong convictions of their own but are prepared to accept a ready-made system of values if it is only drummed into their ears sufficiently loudly and frequently. It will be those whose vague and imperfectly formed ideas are easily swayed and whose passions and emotions are readily aroused who will thus swell the ranks of the totalitarian party.
• ... It seems to be almost a law of human nature that it is easier for people to agree on a negative program -- on the hatred of an enemy, on the envy of those better off -- than on any positive task. The contrast between the 'we' and 'they,' the common fight against those outside the group, seems to be an essential ingredient in any creed which will solidly knit together a group for common action. ... The enemy, whether he be internal … or external, seems to be an indispensable requisite in the armory of a totalitarian leader.
• … The desire of the individual to identify himself with a group is very frequently the result of a feeling of inferiority and that therefore his want will be satisfied only if membership of the group confers some superiority over outsiders. Sometimes, it seems, the very fact that these violent instincts which the individual knows he must curb within the group can be given a free range in the collective action toward the outsider, becomes a further inducement for merging personality in that of the group.
• ... While to the great individualist social philosophers ... power itself has always appeared the archevil, to the strict collectivist it is a goal in itself.... It is only... that the desire to organize social life according to a unitary plan itself springs largely from a desire for power. It is even more the outcome of the fact that in order to achieve their end, collectivist must create power -- power over men wielded by other men -- of magnitude never known , and that their success will depend on the extent to which they achieve such power.
• ... The principle that the end justifies the means in individualist ethics is regarded as the denial of all morals. In collectivist ethics it becomes necessarily the supreme rule; there is literally nothing which the consistent collectivist must not be prepared to do if it serves 'the good of the whole,' because the 'good of the whole' is to him the only criterion of what ought to be done.
• ... To be a useful assistant in the running of a totalitarian state, it is not enough that a man should be prepared to accept specious justification of vile deeds; he must himself be prepared actively to break every moral rule he has ever known if this seems necessary to achieve the end set for him. Since it is the supreme leader who alone determines the ends, his instruments must have no moral convictions of their own, they must be above all, be necessarily committed to the person of the leader; but next to this the most important thing is that they should be completely unprincipled and literally capable of everything. They must have no ideals of their own which they want to realize; no ideas about right or wrong which might interfere with the intentions of the leader.
• ... Yet while there is little that is likely to induce men who are good by [moral standards] to aspire to leading positions in the totalitarian machine, and much to deter them, there will be special opportunities for the ruthless and unscrupulous. There will be jobs to be done about the badness of which taken by themselves nobody has any doubt, but which have to be done in the service of some higher end, and which have to be executed with the same expertness and efficiency as any others. And as there will be need for actions which are bad in themselves, and which all those still influenced by traditional morals will be reluctant to perform, the readiness to do bad things becomes a path to promotion and power."
See: "The Road to Serfdom," Chapter 10, "Why The Worst Get On Top," by F. A. Hayek.
If not the rank and file members of the PFDJ, the middle and high level cadres of the PFDJ do possess such vile ethical attributes.
The PFDJ and its leaders have no legitimacy. They have violated their own rules and charters. One cannot talk of the PFDJ as an organization representing any Eritrean. It only serves Isaias and his top cadres.
( *** First published under the pen-name of Mogos Tekeste)
We know that there is no rule of law in Eritrea, worse; there are no known rules of any kind, only arbitrary edicts and decrees. In fact the very People’s Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ) itself does not abide by the rules of its own organization. It is an organization that is gliding haphazardly without political radar even of the socialist kind.
In the organization of the PFDJ, the hierarchy of power is set up in a pyramid fashion. The chain of the formal reporting is as follows: the Chairman reports to the Executive Committee, which in turn reports to the Central Committee, which in turn reports to the general Congress. However, the real and effective power is at the apex of the pyramid, in the hands of the Chairman of the organization. This is a typical power structure of a leftist organization. Such a system inherently is a dictatorship. And one does not expect that such a system will respect the rule of law. This paper does not intend to address the concept of the rule of law. Rather, it simply shows that the leadership, as it stands now, is an illegal one as judged by the very rules and charters of the PFDJ itself. The leadership of the PFDJ is above the laws of the organization it is supposed to lead. And most importantly it is a leadership devoid of any moral and ethical values.
The components of the power structure of the PFDJ based on its own rules are supposed to have regular scheduled meetings in order to report, assess and correct their respective activities. The meetings are as follows: the congress every two years (extraordinary circumstances every two and half years); the central committee every six months and; the executive committee regularly less than six months. The question is does the PFDJ abide by these organizational rules? Does it conduct regular meetings of its various components?
The first congress of the PFDJ took place for the first time in an independent Eritrea in 1994, whereby it elected its Central Committee and promulgated its agenda and vision for Eritrea. Right there and then, the Central Committee elected the Executive Committee and its Chairman -- the components of the power structure that implement the agenda of the organization as stipulated by the Congress. At that time many Eritreans were still in the euphoria stage of the Eritrean independence; and as such some might have accepted this result as a temporary power structure for Eritrea too. They might have naively considered this as a temporary proxy representative leadership of Eritrea that is until the nation transitions to a parliamentary representative government based on the constitution. Sadly, however, it was never to be, the leadership of the PFDJ betrayed the implicit trust bestowed on it, and irrevocably broke the social contract.
Technically, the PFDJ’s second congress should have taken place by the latest sometime in 1997. However, the second Congress never met. If one goes strictly by the PFDJ’s rules and charters, the Central Committee, the Executive Committee and the Chairman of the PFDJ are all illegitimate. The legitimacy of the Congress that elected these bodies expired sometime in 1997. These bodies have no legal standings. By the PFDJ’s own rules, they are all illegal entities and illicit leaders.
The congress of the PFDJ has not met for about fifteen years in a sovereign and independent Eritrea. In between those years, one can have at least five general meetings of a congress. (To put this in perspective, during the armed struggle the EPLF conducted two meetings of its congress; the time that elapsed in between the two was ten years.) This means there are no summations and assessments of where Eritrea is heading even by the socialist standards that the PFDJ swears on. To be fair, the real Central Committee and the Executive Committee, elected in 1994, do not exist since many of its members are either in the dungeon or dead or have left the organization. The sole and only entity that exists and exerts power is the Chairman of the organization -- Isaias Afwerki. This very chairman has usurped the powers of the Congress, the Central Committee and the Executive Committee of his organization. Currently, no one can pinpoint to any charter or rule of the PFDJ that can support the legitimacy and the legality of the powers of the Chairman of the organization.
If we take the Central Committee of the PFDJ, the last time it met was in 2001. After its last meeting, the G-15 and other dissenters were put in prison. Even the leftover of the Central Committee has not met for about eight years. In between those years, one can have at least sixteen Central Committee meetings. There are no checks and balances within the PFDJ organization right now, since no scheduled meetings and reporting of activities take place. If the PFDJ itself does not practice a so called “participatory democracy,” how can there be a “participatory democracy” in Eritrea?
Some of the main appeals of the G-15 were that the PFDJ abide by its own rules and charters; that it holds another congress, that its central committee meets every six months, and that its executive committee submit reports of its activities to its leadership -- the central committee, as stipulated in the rules of the organization. These are simple and innocent demands; that is if we ignore the pleas of implementing the ratified constitution. Isaias would not listen to the simple and earnest request of his colleagues, and that his organization actually mandates.
In practice, a very sly and quiet coup d’état took place in Eritrea. Isaias and his accomplices by violating the rules of their organization illegally usurped power. This seems to be lost among all of us, worst of all among the members of the PFDJ -- who are still blind to the fact that their leadership has no legal ground to stand on.
Despite the fact that the power structure of the leftist organizations by their very nature are dictatorial, the conducting of regular scheduled general meetings of congress and central committee, sometimes allow for the emergence of relatively reformist personalities. Such are the cases with Khrushchev and Gorbachev in the Soviet Union and Deng Xiaoping in China. Not a chance in Eritrea, since such outlets for the possibility of the emergence of a reformist leadership within the PFDJ itself is closed, since scheduled meetings of the power structures do not take place.
Isaias does not want to take a chance of having a meeting of a general congress or a central committee of the PFDJ. It appears he does not want to gamble with having such a wide gathering, since he does not know of what may transpire in such a meeting.
It is as clear as daylight that Isaias and his top disciples have violated the rules and charters of their organization. The question then arises how come Isaias has still followers? The answer lies in the characteristics and moral fabric of those who follow him. One has to study the history of collectivist and socialist systems and their followers to understand the integrity of those Eritreans who still follow Isaias.
In a dictatorial political system the worst of a society gets to the top. Hayek writing about the collectivist and the socialist systems gives the following points in describing the ethical attributes of a group that follow a dictator.
• "If a numerous group is needed, a strong enough to impose their views on the values of life on all the rest, it will never be those with highly differentiated and developed tastes -- it will be those who form the 'mass' in the derogatory sense of the term, the least original and independent, who will be able to put the weight of their numbers behind their particular ideals.
• ... [The dictator] will be able to obtain the support of all the docile and gullible, who have no strong convictions of their own but are prepared to accept a ready-made system of values if it is only drummed into their ears sufficiently loudly and frequently. It will be those whose vague and imperfectly formed ideas are easily swayed and whose passions and emotions are readily aroused who will thus swell the ranks of the totalitarian party.
• ... It seems to be almost a law of human nature that it is easier for people to agree on a negative program -- on the hatred of an enemy, on the envy of those better off -- than on any positive task. The contrast between the 'we' and 'they,' the common fight against those outside the group, seems to be an essential ingredient in any creed which will solidly knit together a group for common action. ... The enemy, whether he be internal … or external, seems to be an indispensable requisite in the armory of a totalitarian leader.
• … The desire of the individual to identify himself with a group is very frequently the result of a feeling of inferiority and that therefore his want will be satisfied only if membership of the group confers some superiority over outsiders. Sometimes, it seems, the very fact that these violent instincts which the individual knows he must curb within the group can be given a free range in the collective action toward the outsider, becomes a further inducement for merging personality in that of the group.
• ... While to the great individualist social philosophers ... power itself has always appeared the archevil, to the strict collectivist it is a goal in itself.... It is only... that the desire to organize social life according to a unitary plan itself springs largely from a desire for power. It is even more the outcome of the fact that in order to achieve their end, collectivist must create power -- power over men wielded by other men -- of magnitude never known , and that their success will depend on the extent to which they achieve such power.
• ... The principle that the end justifies the means in individualist ethics is regarded as the denial of all morals. In collectivist ethics it becomes necessarily the supreme rule; there is literally nothing which the consistent collectivist must not be prepared to do if it serves 'the good of the whole,' because the 'good of the whole' is to him the only criterion of what ought to be done.
• ... To be a useful assistant in the running of a totalitarian state, it is not enough that a man should be prepared to accept specious justification of vile deeds; he must himself be prepared actively to break every moral rule he has ever known if this seems necessary to achieve the end set for him. Since it is the supreme leader who alone determines the ends, his instruments must have no moral convictions of their own, they must be above all, be necessarily committed to the person of the leader; but next to this the most important thing is that they should be completely unprincipled and literally capable of everything. They must have no ideals of their own which they want to realize; no ideas about right or wrong which might interfere with the intentions of the leader.
• ... Yet while there is little that is likely to induce men who are good by [moral standards] to aspire to leading positions in the totalitarian machine, and much to deter them, there will be special opportunities for the ruthless and unscrupulous. There will be jobs to be done about the badness of which taken by themselves nobody has any doubt, but which have to be done in the service of some higher end, and which have to be executed with the same expertness and efficiency as any others. And as there will be need for actions which are bad in themselves, and which all those still influenced by traditional morals will be reluctant to perform, the readiness to do bad things becomes a path to promotion and power."
See: "The Road to Serfdom," Chapter 10, "Why The Worst Get On Top," by F. A. Hayek.
If not the rank and file members of the PFDJ, the middle and high level cadres of the PFDJ do possess such vile ethical attributes.
The PFDJ and its leaders have no legitimacy. They have violated their own rules and charters. One cannot talk of the PFDJ as an organization representing any Eritrean. It only serves Isaias and his top cadres.
Moges you just remind me that you are out of time. What I mean is that if I touch any subject may be some thing will stick…your vendetta to catch a fly before it turns to maggot then the ants would not take advantage of the mishaps. Not all the news you wrote is new. What we need to do what we can make the best out of the mess we are in…
ReplyDeleteWhy any country should follows the rule of law of others? Who will benefits from running away from the problem? Enough is enough please Eritreans do not follow the path of death, getting negative information from person like Moges, Eritrea will disappear from the map of the earth. How come anybody see the good part Eritrea. Eritrea could not be wrong all the time; there must be something that everybody is after? Bear in mind that no body will be exited of once success except the person who brought his own success.
PFDJ your enemy for the day exhibit creativity in the way they arrange and rearrange, collect and disperse information, ideas, task and people. PFDJ are forever making small departures, and sometimes-radical departures, from what has been. Drawing on their talents, energies and history, they make up response to situations as they go along.
To day, Eritrea is embarking gold and diamond and oil prosperity. When we the native Eritreans abroad discussing what we wish to act like our neighbors, those whom you think irreverent are selling stock in the world market which will make 3.4 million Eritrean a stoke holders. Go on bash each other they are doing their jobs.
No joyride to the leader of the pack, creativity often carries with it a certain destructive element. Picasso observed, “Every act of creation is first of all an act of destruction” it takes energy to create, more energy than it does to follow routines. You are thinking PFDJ is an entity of other planet but they do have stress, may not agonizing as much or as obviously but they do worry of the tough issues that march steadily in their direction.
I learned my lesson during the horrible time, when we all abandoned our home from Asmara and envoi some stayed behind start selling water and collaborated with enemy. Today they are the richest home and business holders. I do not know about you, never again I will be fooled I am buying the stock. Who knows, watch out Wall Street undeveloped country will have the highest stock on earth. Halleluiah…
halay, dont compare pfdj to Nazi. i rather want eritrea to be a "leftist" country then Usa. Rather Fidel Castro then any of american so called democracy. youre a selfish man i can tell by the way you think, Eritreans are not fools, thats why we became independent after all obstacles, and we will not be fooled, your bullshit article wont change a thing or convince anybody.
ReplyDeletei bet you support the invasion of iraq and afghanistan. it is you who is fooled by the so called democracy of the west, that make the rich rule the world, sorry youre not going to see that in Eritrea.
Standing ovation, for confusion of reality to term paper of plagiarisms. Mentioning the entire past or present philosopher does solve the reality at hand. When one see the title ‘The Coup D’eta in Eritrea” that attracts anxiety to the weak minds. For that, I give you B-, I was thinking that I am reading the second part of the thesis you wrote for your mid-term paper. Anxiety, rigidification, and lose of focus undermine those very Eritrean issue that would resolve the crises and facilitate new growth.
ReplyDeleteEritrea, winning independency did not come easy; there were hardship of hell and back. The transition from guerrilla fighter to building an independent nation, the transition is a major upheaval, fraught with a loss of orientation and purpose. Conditions and events loss, the old meanings and are not yet understandable in new terms. The plaguing dilemma, if the transition involves crisis of any real intensity, is that usual modes of coping interfere with both learning and environmental manipulation.
Whatever the concern of the issues and concerns the opposition faces; there are two process agenda to be addresses
(1) Does Eritrea have a right to function as any independent country fights for her own boarder? If so, why go to the same neighbor who wanted disintegrated Eritrea to the last denominators so chenawie will win the election.
As we, the other side looks at it, just at prolonging the crises without understanding and help Eritrea the good fortune of being able to lay low without the rest of the world going to hell. Like NGO out of Eritrea, that is a good decision for guerrilla fighter, in your eyes of evil doers.
(2) Why are you sitting in the sideline criticizing the very people who are bounded with vision not to lose self-direction without the help of outsider do better than twittering your idea but no deeds? You seem not to appreciate the entire PFDJ ruling, what is your alternatives mister philosopher? Coup D’eate, so somebody will lose his or her life and you will be the leader of the packs. They gave you independent, yes they are fighting among themselves, but at the eleven hours 14, or 15 , or the mesfin hagose’s will join the PFDJ before killing one more eritrean…
You raised good points in describing and explaining the political "mechanism" and the sources of power in the current situation in Eritrea. However, I urge you to stay away from some sort of "ideological relativism" of the sort of "left/right" without defining them. I have read your previous articles, so I know very well where you are coming; you are competent in the subject. You have made a good study of the old "communist/east" totalitarian regimes.
ReplyDeleteMy point is, you wrote: "This is a typical power structure of a leftist organization." Eritrea's political problem is not different from the region be it African or Middle East which is not mainly "ideological", the factors are many such as economic, social,personal/psychological, historical as in "romanticizing ghedli", ethinic, religious, global/regional as in interference from the west and east or their puppets...
The weakness of your article is that you borrow too much from the ideological "right" to diagnose Eritrea's political ailment. You know the "right" is not often right nor is the "left". It just depends on many factors.
In my view,given its history, Eritrea will be lucky if it can get a "left" sided democratic or semi-democratic regime. Eritrea, like most of its neighbours, is far away from democracy even in ala Ghana or Senegal standard, let alone by the West's standard.
Remember, Mobutu of Zaire, Numieri of Sudan, Haileselassie of Ethiopia, Arap Moi of Kenya, Sadam Hussien of Iraq, Mubarek of Egypt, Abdela Saleh of Yemen (the last two also grooming their children to power), Mussolini, Hitler, Franko of Spain ... were or are on the "right".
Ideology is not bad, it is the extreem ideology that is very bad.
The PFDJ is a fascist organizaiton.
ReplyDeleteSome of it's practices are much worse than the italian fascists used to do in the Balkans during the last war. Disapearances of civilians is one of the wort acts of crime that happen in Eritrea eveyday. The death camps known as "Halewa Sewra" used to be few in the past, now the same old crimes are committed in prisons scattered all over Eritrea. Fascist regimes spare no one, whoever the "Duce" finds unsuitable is removed immediately. That is what happened to G-15. They became victims of a system they worked hard for decades to put in place. That is also what will happen for sure to it's current leaders and activists; as they continue serving the devil and end up being implicated in the crimes ordered by the boss, time also comes for them.
I am in complete agreement with the last commentator.For the life of me I can't understand the other once who wrote supporting the fascist regime.This regime is much worse than the Haileselassie or the derg regimes. During the ethipian regimes, there was, relatively speaking, the rule of law, schools including a university( I studied there), some economy to speak of, etc. But now, there is no such thing.
ReplyDeleteMr. Isayas has plans to rule the country until he dies and pass the presidency to his children. This is as sure as day and night.Nothing good will come out from Isayas dictatorship.Our country-men are dying of hunger, and thre is no education to speak of. All there is, is only to dig ditches and manual labor without pay.There is a name for this.It is called slavery.Even if Isayas dies or is overthrown in 4 or 5 years,Eritrea will probably servive in name only because by then the eritrean fabric will be destroyed.I hope I am wrong, but I am very pessimistic.Why do you think Somalia, the Democratic Republic of Congo and others are in the situation they are in. They did not get there overnight.Again I hope I am wrong. What bugs me immensely is that some of the so called Eritrean intelectualls support this despicable regime.Bye the way, Mr. Isayas, says Eritrea is doing very good, the economy is growing quite well,meanwhile we do not need democracy, it foreign for us, it is not our tradition.He even asks ,hopefully rhetorically,"what is democracy?" It makes you wonder if he realy is sane.I am comparing the desparate situation the Eritrean people find them selves in with the euphoria after independence.Let's think about it. Thank you.
This is interesting! Confusion is not always bad. I am not going to side with anyone; I side with the continued existence of Eritrea - sovereign, independent State! Whatever it takes to preserve the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Eritrea is warranted. I do not care if you agree or not. What I am against [Mogos makes good sense in a way].
ReplyDelete1. Not holding the meetings as scheduled did not in any way contribute to making Eritrea safer, more secure or more prosperous. On the contrary it has contributed to a creeping culture of willful disregard of the law.
2. Torturing your own young men and women never contributes to making Eritrea safer; neither does it contribute to safeguarding its territorial integrity or sovereignty.
3. fill in the blanks
4. fill in the blanks
5. fill in the blanks
i like your comment, i do not care who i in pawer.i need to remaind u one thing do not give any chans specialy for western.wether they have good or bud. i bieng every were from the root to the end they are evil. so pleas lets stand together for the good of aur cautry.do not complein what is hapn in the past.lets build aur comunty family lets srow away poverty .
ReplyDeleteI think the PFDJ is Using its past history, which is liberating Eritrea from the cruel hands of the Derg regime, as a shield for the present crime.Whatever fault they committed presently they narrate the shining victory Eritrea achieved during the 30 years of struggle.This narration is done in various techniques, retelling the story in songs,poems by blind believers and self-centered artists can be good bad example.Thus, please lets evaluate our current "leaders" by their present actions.Let us all say," Stop using past history as a strong trench to hide ;Enough is enough!"
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